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nation. But this ought not to be. I would not indeed make them dependant on the Executive authority,
as they formerly were in England; but I deem it indispensable to the continuance of this government that
they should be submitted to some practical & impartial controul: and that this, to be imparted, must be
compounded of a mixture of state and federal authorities. It is not enough that honest men are appointed
judges. All know the influence of interest on the mind of man, and how unconsciously his judgment is
warped by that influence. To this bias add that of the esprit de corps, of their peculiar maxim and creed
that "it is the office of a good judge to enlarge his jurisdiction," and the absence of responsibility, and
how can we expect impartial decision between the General government, of which they are themselves
so eminent a part, and an individual state from which they have nothing to hope or fear. We have seen
too that, contrary to all correct example, they are in the habit of going out of the question before them,
to throw an anchor ahead and grapple further hold for future advances of power. They are then in fact
the corps of sappers & miners, steadily working to undermine the independant rights of the States, &
to consolidate all power in the hands of that government in which they have so important a freehold
estate. But it is not by the consolidation, or concentration of powers, but by their distribution, that good
government is effected. Were not this great country already divided into states, that division must be
made, that each might do for itself what concerns itself directly, and what it can so much better do than
a distant authority. Every state again is divided into counties, each to take care of what lies within it's
local bounds; each county again into townships or wards, to manage minuter details; and every ward into
farms, to be governed each by it's individual proprietor. Were we directed from Washington when to
sow, & when to reap, we should soon want bread. It is by this partition of cares, descending in gradation
from general to particular, that the mass of human affairs may be best managed for the good and prosperity
of all. I repeat that I do not charge the judges with wilful and ill-intentioned error; but honest error must
be arrested where it's toleration leads to public ruin. As, for the safety of society, we commit honest
maniacs to Bedlam, so judges should be withdrawn from their bench, whose erroneous biases are leading
us to dissolution. It may indeed injure them in fame or in fortune; but it saves the republic, which is the
first and supreme law. In the impeachment of judge Pickering of New Hampshire, a habitual & maniac
drunkard, no defence was made. Had there been, the party vote of more than one third of the Senate
would have acquitted him. Among the debilities of the government of the Confederation, no one was more distinguished or more
distressing than the utter impossibility of obtaining, from the states, the monies necessary for the payment
of debts, or even for the ordinary expenses of the government. Some contributed a little, some less, &
some nothing, and the last furnished at length an excuse for the first to do nothing also. Mr. Adams,
while residing at the Hague, had a general authority to borrow what sums might be requisite for ordinary
& necessary expenses. Interest on the public debt, and the maintenance of the diplomatic establishment
in Europe, had been habitually provided in this way. He was now elected Vice President of the U. S.
was soon to return to America, and had referred our bankers to me for future councel on our affairs in
their hands. But I had no powers, no instructions, no means, and no familiarity with the subject. It had
always been exclusively under his management, except as to occasional and partial deposits in the
hands of Mr. Grand, banker in Paris, for special and local purposes. These last had been exhausted
for some time, and I had fervently pressed the Treasury board to replenish this particular deposit; as Mr.
Grand now refused to make further advances. They answered candidly that no funds could be obtained
until the new government should get into action, and have time to make it's arrangements. Mr. Adams
had received his appointment to the court of London while engaged at Paris, with Dr. Franklin and myself,
in the negotiations under our joint commissions. He had repaired thence to London, without returning to
the Hague to take leave of that government. He thought it necessary however to do so now, before he
should leave Europe, and accordingly went there. I learned his departure from London by a letter from
Mrs. Adams received on the very day on which he would arrive at the Hague. A consultation with him,
& some provision for the future was indispensable, while we could yet avail ourselves of his powers. For
when they would be gone, we should be without resource. I was daily dunned by a company who had
formerly made a small loan to the U S. the principal of which was now become due; and our bankers in
Amsterdam had notified me that the interest on our general debt would be expected in June; that if we
failed to pay it, it would be deemed an act of bankruptcy and would effectually destroy the credit of the
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