embrace. But his credulity and injustice may teach an important lesson; to distrust the accounts of foreign
and remote nations, and to suspend our belief of every tale that deviates from the laws of nature and
the character of man.8
After his return, and the victory of Timour, Manuel reigned many years in prosperity and peace. As long
as the sons of Bajazet solicited his friendship and spared his dominions, he was satisfied with the national
religion; and his leisure was employed in composing twenty theological dialogues for its defence. The
appearance of the Byzantine ambassadors at the council of Constance,9 announces the restoration of
the Turkish power, as well as of the Latin church: the conquest of the sultans, Mahomet and Amurath,
reconciled the emperor to the Vatican; and the siege of Constantinople almost tempted him to acquiesce
in the double procession of the Holy Ghost. When Martin the Fifth ascended without a rival the chair
of St. Peter, a friendly intercourse of letters and embassies was revived between the East and West.
Ambition on one side, and distress on the other, dictated the same decent language of charity and peace: the
artful Greek expressed a desire of marrying his six sons to Italian princesses; and the Roman, not less
artful, despatched the daughter of the marquis of Montferrat, with a company of noble virgins, to soften,
by their charms, the obstinacy of the schismatics. Yet under this mask of zeal, a discerning eye will
perceive that all was hollow and insincere in the court and church of Constantinople. According to the
vicissitudes of danger and repose, the emperor advanced or retreated; alternately instructed and disavowed
his ministers; and escaped from the importunate pressure by urging the duty of inquiry, the obligation
of collecting the sense of his patriarchs and bishops, and the impossibility of convening them at a time
when the Turkish arms were at the gates of his capital. From a review of the public transactions it will
appear that the Greeks insisted on three successive measures, a succor, a council, and a final reunion,
while the Latins eluded the second, and only promised the first, as a consequential and voluntary reward
of the third. But we have an opportunity of unfolding the most secret intentions of Manuel, as he explained
them in a private conversation without artifice or disguise. In his declining age, the emperor had associated
John Palæologus, the second of the name, and the eldest of his sons, on whom he devolved the greatest
part of the authority and weight of government. One day, in the presence only of the historian Phranza,10
his favorite chamberlain, he opened to his colleague and successor the true principle of his negotiations
with the pope.11 "Our last resource," said Manuel, against the Turks, "is their fear of our union with the
Latins, of the warlike nations of the West, who may arm for our relief and for their destruction. As often
as you are threatened by the miscreants, present this danger before their eyes. Propose a council; consult
on the means; but ever delay and avoid the convocation of an assembly, which cannot tend either to our
spiritual or temporal emolument. The Latins are proud; the Greeks are obstinate; neither party will recede
or retract; and the attempt of a perfect union will confirm the schism, alienate the churches, and leave
us, without hope or defence, at the mercy of the Barbarians." Impatient of this salutary lesson, the royal
youth arose from his seat, and departed in silence; and the wise monarch (continued Phranza) casting
his eyes on me, thus resumed his discourse: "My son deems himself a great and heroic prince; but, alas!
our miserable age does not afford scope for heroism or greatness. His daring spirit might have suited
the happier times of our ancestors; but the present state requires not an emperor, but a cautious steward
of the last relics of our fortunes. Well do I remember the lofty expectations which he built on our alliance
with Mustapha; and much do I fear, that this rash courage will urge the ruin of our house, and that even
religion may precipitate our downfall." Yet the experience and authority of Manuel preserved the peace,
and eluded the council; till, in the seventy-eighth year of his age, and in the habit of a monk, he terminated
his career, dividing his precious movables among his children and the poor, his physicians and his favorite
servants. Of his six sons,12 Andronicus the Second was invested with the principality of Thessalonica,
and died of a leprosy soon after the sale of that city to the Venetians and its final conquest by the Turks.
Some fortunate incidents had restored Peloponnesus, or the Morea, to the empire; and in his more prosperous
days, Manuel had fortified the narrow isthmus of six miles13 with a stone wall and one hundred and fifty-
three towers. The wall was overthrown by the first blast of the Ottomans; the fertile peninsula might have
been sufficient for the four younger brothers, Theodore and Constantine, Demetrius and Thomas; but
they wasted in domestic contests the remains of their strength; and the least successful of the rivals
were reduced to a life of dependence in the Byzantine palace.