this place, it will be sufficient to observe, that the young prince was oppressed by the ambition of his
guardian and colleague, Michael Palæologus, who displayed the virtues and vices that belong to the founder
of a new dynasty. The emperor Baldwin had flattered himself, that he might recover some provinces or
cities by an impotent negotiation. His ambassadors were dismissed from Nice with mockery and contempt.
At every place which they named, Palæologus alleged some special reason, which rendered it dear and
valuable in his eyes: in the one he was born; in another he had been first promoted to military command; and
in a third he had enjoyed, and hoped long to enjoy, the pleasures of the chase. "And what then do you
propose to give us?" said the astonished deputies. "Nothing," replied the Greek, "not a foot of land. If
your master be desirous of peace, let him pay me, as an annual tribute, the sum which he receives from
the trade and customs of Constantinople. On these terms, I may allow him to reign. If he refuses, it is
war. I am not ignorant of the art of war, and I trust the event to God and my sword."7 An expedition
against the despot of Epirus was the first prelude of his arms. If a victory was followed by a defeat; if
the race of the Comneni or Angeli survived in those mountains his efforts and his reign; the captivity
of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, deprived the Latins of the most active and powerful vassal of their
expiring monarchy. The republics of Venice and Genoa disputed, in the first of their naval wars, the
command of the sea and the commerce of the East. Pride and interest attached the Venetians to the
defence of Constantinople; their rivals were tempted to promote the designs of her enemies, and the
alliance of the Genoese with the schismatic conqueror provoked the indignation of the Latin church.8
Intent on his great object, the emperor Michael visited in person and strengthened the troops and fortifications
of Thrace. The remains of the Latins were driven from their last possessions: he assaulted without success
the suburb of Galata; and corresponded with a perfidious baron, who proved unwilling, or unable, to open
the gates of the metropolis. The next spring, his favorite general, Alexius Strategopulus, whom he had
decorated with the title of Cæsar, passed the Hellespont with eight hundred horse and some infantry,9 on
a secret expedition. His instructions enjoined him to approach, to listen, to watch, but not to risk any
doubtful or dangerous enterprise against the city. The adjacent territory between the Propontis and the
Black Sea was cultivated by a hardy race of peasants and outlaws, exercised in arms, uncertain in their
allegiance, but inclined by language, religion, and present advantage, to the party of the Greeks. They
were styled the volunteers;10 and by their free service the army of Alexius, with the regulars of Thrace
and the Coman auxiliaries,11 was augmented to the number of five-and-twenty thousand men. By the
ardor of the volunteers, and by his own ambition, the Cæsar was stimulated to disobey the precise orders
of his master, in the just confidence that success would plead his pardon and reward. The weakness of
Constantinople, and the distress and terror of the Latins, were familiar to the observation of the volunteers; and
they represented the present moment as the most propitious to surprise and conquest. A rash youth,
the new governor of the Venetian colony, had sailed away with thirty galleys, and the best of the French
knights, on a wild expedition to Daphnusia, a town on the Black Sea, at the distance of forty leagues;12
and the remaining Latins were without strength or suspicion. They were informed that Alexius had passed
the Hellespont; but their apprehensions were lulled by the smallness of his original numbers; and their
imprudence had not watched the subsequent increase of his army. If he left his main body to second
and support his operations, he might advance unperceived in the night with a chosen detachment. While
some applied scaling-ladders to the lowest part of the walls, they were secure of an old Greek, who
would introduce their companions through a subterraneous passage into his house; they could soon on
the inside break an entrance through the golden gate, which had been long obstructed; and the conqueror
would be in the heart of the city before the Latins were conscious of their danger. After some debate,
the Cæsar resigned himself to the faith of the volunteers; they were trusty, bold, and successful; and in
describing the plan, I have already related the execution and success.13 But no sooner had Alexius
passed the threshold of the golden gate, than he trembled at his own rashness; he paused, he deliberated; till
the desperate volunteers urged him forwards, by the assurance that in retreat lay the greatest and most
inevitable danger. Whilst the Cæsar kept his regulars in firm array, the Comans dispersed themselves on
all sides; an alarm was sounded, and the threats of fire and pillage compelled the citizens to a decisive
resolution. The Greeks of Constantinople remembered their native sovereigns; the Genoese merchants
their recent alliance and Venetian foes; every quarter was in arms; and the air resounded with a general
acclamation of "Long life and victory to Michael and John, the august emperors of the Romans!" Their